| Voice of Oromia |
Voice of Oromo News
Is Ethiopia's federalism working?
Published 07/17/2009 -1:00 a.m.
So in 1991 Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam left Ethiopia. His government subsequently toppled with
his departure, although it was inevitable they would both happen. The Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, entered the capital city Addis Ababa in May 1991 with
promises to sweep clean the government of nepotism, xenophobia and chauvinism. These three
evils, so to speak, have plagued Ethiopia’s Governments and society prominently since the
“Zemene Mesafint” (Era of the Princes) until present day.
Then Transitional President Meles Zenawi had vowed to create a government representative of
all Ethiopians and inclusive in its policy and structure. In the transitional conferences in July 1991,
all armed and political Ethiopian groups converged in Addis Ababa to find a lasting solution to
Ethiopia’s governance debacles. The conference lost a key player, the Oromo Liberation Front,
OLF, over representational power with the EPRDF. The OLF, currently a “terrorist” organization in
Ethiopia, was at the time an armed group that agreed to participate in the formation of a new
federal government and constitution. The Oromo people, whom the OLF represents, have been
Ethiopia’s second-class citizens since Oromia became a part of the modern Ethiopian state.
Traditionally, Ethiopia’s rulers have all been from the north, Tigrayans and Amharas have
dominated the country’s political, social and religious sphere since the beginning of the Solomonic
Dynasty. Oromos, however, are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic grouping. Although they represent about
a third of the country in population and landmass, if I’m not mistaking, an Oromo has never been
at the helm of government.
In 1995 a new constitution was ratified and adopted, Ethiopia then became the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, FDRE. The FDRE adopted a Parliamentary-styled government with
a bi-cameral legislature, a President, Prime Minister, Council of Ministers and a Judiciary.
Additionally, the 1995 Constitution created 9 States: Afar, Amhara, Benishangul, Gambella, Harari,
Oromia, Somali, Southern, Nations, Nationalities and Peoples as well as Tigray. Furthermore, the
federal capital district remained Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, to the east, became a federally
chartered city, making both the governments of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa responsible directly
to the Prime Minister. The ethnically based federal structure of Ethiopia was designed to ease the
fuming tensions among the tantamount of ethnic groups in the country that have increasingly
been at odds with each other. The fall of the Derg, Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam’s military
government, only exacerbated the pre-existing divisions in the nation. With a cloud of
uncertainty, the EPRDF was elected as the ruling party in the Federal Government, mainly
because no opposition party had chosen to participate in the election. Interestingly, had
opposition parties campaigned, they would have garnered seats, according to many election
observers at the time.
The ethnically based federalism that Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s administration has adopted
hurt Ethiopia in the long run because instead of periodical review of the constitution and its
articles, the ruling EPRDF has become complacent in its positions and ideology of what an
ethnically serene nation looks like. This almost delusional mentality on the part of some Members
of Parliament exhibits itself particularly when asked about the infamous article to the Ethiopian
Constitution which reads: “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional
right to self-determination, including the right to secession” (FDRE Constitution: Article 39.1,
1995). It is an open secret that the ruling party added Article 39.1 to lawfully allow the 1993
succession of Eritrea and its subsequent recognition by Ethiopia. I would like to note here that I
have no objection whatsoever to the sovereignty of Eritrea but I object to the way the Ethiopian
Government handled the process in a nontransparent manner. Article 39 of the Constitution is a
very good and necessary addition to the nation’s supreme law, however it is sub-article 1, the
above-mentioned, which has continued to frighten anyone who wants to see Ethiopia intact.
Disregarding Eritrea, I do not think any Ethiopian wants to see another region of the country
demand succession. However, that is exactly what the OLF has been doing for the past 18 years.
The OLF has a point to its argument, too. To date, they are one of the most entitled groups to
actually represent Oromo interests. So their demand for succession comes with support. Other
succession groups have emerged with the same objective of succeeding from the union. The
detrimental Article 39.1 will see the demise of the current Ethiopian state should these armed
groups continue growing in personnel and military capacity. Moreover, it is disappointing that the
ruling party has consistently and seemingly blindly objected to calls by the opposition and
electorate to review and amend Article 39.1. Sub-article 4 elaborates in-depth the process of
succession of Ethiopia’s “Nations, Nationalities and Peoples.” But, take for instance, sub-article 3,
which guarantees self-governance or sub-article 2, which ensures the protection of cultures and
the development languages. These sub-articles are very good and still timely. However, sub-
article 1 will always leave the “unconditional” door of succession open, even if not practiced with
the other ethnic groups.
Today, Ethiopia is a confederation. Despite what the “F” in FDRE might represent, the current
federal structure promotes so much individualism amongst ethnic groups that maintaining unity
becomes a serious challenge. I’ve lived in Cambridge for the majority of my life. This city is
relatively peaceful than many other American cities. Unfortunately, there is a lot of blissful
ignorance in Cambridge with regards to turf. Youth, particularly during the summer time, engage
in violent and often jail-leading activities to protect their “hood,” slang for neighborhood. Some
youth are so hell-bent on their turf pride that they might as well forget the name of the city. They
don’t realize that North Cambridge, Port, East and Coast are all, at the end of the day,
Cambridge. They are so stuck on representing their turfs that fighting will be a common activity,
particularly during the summer months. In explaining this to the Police Commissioner, I couldn’t
help but think about Ethiopia and how what I was saying reminded me about the “turf wars” in
Ethiopia today. A lot of Ethiopians are still stuck in representing their Gonder roots, or their
Axumite heritage. A good number will give you the name of their region when you ask where they
are from; completely disregarding “Ethiopia” but telling you they are “Gondere” or “Tigraway.” If
you were to put various Ethiopians in the same room I am sure we would have different religions,
ethnic and political backgrounds, but at the end of the day our common denominator would be
that we are all, in fact, Ethiopian. Ethiopian youth nowadays tend to exhibit their Ethiopian roots
before talking about their ethnic origins because they know how Ethiopian history has played out
over the past centuries.
Instead of promoting an inclusive and all-Ethiopian agenda, Ethiopia’s Government has been
playing the ethnic-card for so long. A neighbor of mine in Mekelle told me that she was told to
watch out for Amharas as she was driving from Bahar Dar to Mekelle because they would attack
her, during the election time. Propaganda was so bad from all sides of the political arena that
Ethiopians became victims of their own pride. Non-Tigrayans viewed, and still view, Tigray as the
economic paradise of Ethiopia, a complete lie. Oromos still view Amharas as oppressors.
Tigrayans still believe that Amharas are “out to get them.” Enough said. Why can’t the
government work on a national policy to actually get rid of nepotism, xenophobia and chauvinism?
Nepotism, because friends of high-ranking officials usually get the job or the reward they wanted,
even if they weren’t disserving of it.
Xenophobia, because certain ethnic groups still feel unwelcome and are viewed as third-class
citizenry.
Chauvinism, because unless you speak Amharic and come from an Orthodox-Amharic background
you aren’t Ethiopian.
What we have seen is a federalism put in place that has focused so much on the individual ethnic
groups. We have seen a federalism that celebrates Nationalities Day but doesn’t celebrate the
country as a whole. We have seen a federalism that rewards preferential treatment. And in the
midst of this all, we have seen a Government that blissfully ignores it.
So to answer my question, Ethiopia’s federalism isn’t working because it has actually regressed
Ethiopian political and societal life.
-Nazret
Published 07/17/2009 -1:00 a.m.
So in 1991 Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam left Ethiopia. His government subsequently toppled with
his departure, although it was inevitable they would both happen. The Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, entered the capital city Addis Ababa in May 1991 with
promises to sweep clean the government of nepotism, xenophobia and chauvinism. These three
evils, so to speak, have plagued Ethiopia’s Governments and society prominently since the
“Zemene Mesafint” (Era of the Princes) until present day.
Then Transitional President Meles Zenawi had vowed to create a government representative of
all Ethiopians and inclusive in its policy and structure. In the transitional conferences in July 1991,
all armed and political Ethiopian groups converged in Addis Ababa to find a lasting solution to
Ethiopia’s governance debacles. The conference lost a key player, the Oromo Liberation Front,
OLF, over representational power with the EPRDF. The OLF, currently a “terrorist” organization in
Ethiopia, was at the time an armed group that agreed to participate in the formation of a new
federal government and constitution. The Oromo people, whom the OLF represents, have been
Ethiopia’s second-class citizens since Oromia became a part of the modern Ethiopian state.
Traditionally, Ethiopia’s rulers have all been from the north, Tigrayans and Amharas have
dominated the country’s political, social and religious sphere since the beginning of the Solomonic
Dynasty. Oromos, however, are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic grouping. Although they represent about
a third of the country in population and landmass, if I’m not mistaking, an Oromo has never been
at the helm of government.
In 1995 a new constitution was ratified and adopted, Ethiopia then became the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, FDRE. The FDRE adopted a Parliamentary-styled government with
a bi-cameral legislature, a President, Prime Minister, Council of Ministers and a Judiciary.
Additionally, the 1995 Constitution created 9 States: Afar, Amhara, Benishangul, Gambella, Harari,
Oromia, Somali, Southern, Nations, Nationalities and Peoples as well as Tigray. Furthermore, the
federal capital district remained Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, to the east, became a federally
chartered city, making both the governments of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa responsible directly
to the Prime Minister. The ethnically based federal structure of Ethiopia was designed to ease the
fuming tensions among the tantamount of ethnic groups in the country that have increasingly
been at odds with each other. The fall of the Derg, Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam’s military
government, only exacerbated the pre-existing divisions in the nation. With a cloud of
uncertainty, the EPRDF was elected as the ruling party in the Federal Government, mainly
because no opposition party had chosen to participate in the election. Interestingly, had
opposition parties campaigned, they would have garnered seats, according to many election
observers at the time.
The ethnically based federalism that Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s administration has adopted
hurt Ethiopia in the long run because instead of periodical review of the constitution and its
articles, the ruling EPRDF has become complacent in its positions and ideology of what an
ethnically serene nation looks like. This almost delusional mentality on the part of some Members
of Parliament exhibits itself particularly when asked about the infamous article to the Ethiopian
Constitution which reads: “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional
right to self-determination, including the right to secession” (FDRE Constitution: Article 39.1,
1995). It is an open secret that the ruling party added Article 39.1 to lawfully allow the 1993
succession of Eritrea and its subsequent recognition by Ethiopia. I would like to note here that I
have no objection whatsoever to the sovereignty of Eritrea but I object to the way the Ethiopian
Government handled the process in a nontransparent manner. Article 39 of the Constitution is a
very good and necessary addition to the nation’s supreme law, however it is sub-article 1, the
above-mentioned, which has continued to frighten anyone who wants to see Ethiopia intact.
Disregarding Eritrea, I do not think any Ethiopian wants to see another region of the country
demand succession. However, that is exactly what the OLF has been doing for the past 18 years.
The OLF has a point to its argument, too. To date, they are one of the most entitled groups to
actually represent Oromo interests. So their demand for succession comes with support. Other
succession groups have emerged with the same objective of succeeding from the union. The
detrimental Article 39.1 will see the demise of the current Ethiopian state should these armed
groups continue growing in personnel and military capacity. Moreover, it is disappointing that the
ruling party has consistently and seemingly blindly objected to calls by the opposition and
electorate to review and amend Article 39.1. Sub-article 4 elaborates in-depth the process of
succession of Ethiopia’s “Nations, Nationalities and Peoples.” But, take for instance, sub-article 3,
which guarantees self-governance or sub-article 2, which ensures the protection of cultures and
the development languages. These sub-articles are very good and still timely. However, sub-
article 1 will always leave the “unconditional” door of succession open, even if not practiced with
the other ethnic groups.
Today, Ethiopia is a confederation. Despite what the “F” in FDRE might represent, the current
federal structure promotes so much individualism amongst ethnic groups that maintaining unity
becomes a serious challenge. I’ve lived in Cambridge for the majority of my life. This city is
relatively peaceful than many other American cities. Unfortunately, there is a lot of blissful
ignorance in Cambridge with regards to turf. Youth, particularly during the summer time, engage
in violent and often jail-leading activities to protect their “hood,” slang for neighborhood. Some
youth are so hell-bent on their turf pride that they might as well forget the name of the city. They
don’t realize that North Cambridge, Port, East and Coast are all, at the end of the day,
Cambridge. They are so stuck on representing their turfs that fighting will be a common activity,
particularly during the summer months. In explaining this to the Police Commissioner, I couldn’t
help but think about Ethiopia and how what I was saying reminded me about the “turf wars” in
Ethiopia today. A lot of Ethiopians are still stuck in representing their Gonder roots, or their
Axumite heritage. A good number will give you the name of their region when you ask where they
are from; completely disregarding “Ethiopia” but telling you they are “Gondere” or “Tigraway.” If
you were to put various Ethiopians in the same room I am sure we would have different religions,
ethnic and political backgrounds, but at the end of the day our common denominator would be
that we are all, in fact, Ethiopian. Ethiopian youth nowadays tend to exhibit their Ethiopian roots
before talking about their ethnic origins because they know how Ethiopian history has played out
over the past centuries.
Instead of promoting an inclusive and all-Ethiopian agenda, Ethiopia’s Government has been
playing the ethnic-card for so long. A neighbor of mine in Mekelle told me that she was told to
watch out for Amharas as she was driving from Bahar Dar to Mekelle because they would attack
her, during the election time. Propaganda was so bad from all sides of the political arena that
Ethiopians became victims of their own pride. Non-Tigrayans viewed, and still view, Tigray as the
economic paradise of Ethiopia, a complete lie. Oromos still view Amharas as oppressors.
Tigrayans still believe that Amharas are “out to get them.” Enough said. Why can’t the
government work on a national policy to actually get rid of nepotism, xenophobia and chauvinism?
Nepotism, because friends of high-ranking officials usually get the job or the reward they wanted,
even if they weren’t disserving of it.
Xenophobia, because certain ethnic groups still feel unwelcome and are viewed as third-class
citizenry.
Chauvinism, because unless you speak Amharic and come from an Orthodox-Amharic background
you aren’t Ethiopian.
What we have seen is a federalism put in place that has focused so much on the individual ethnic
groups. We have seen a federalism that celebrates Nationalities Day but doesn’t celebrate the
country as a whole. We have seen a federalism that rewards preferential treatment. And in the
midst of this all, we have seen a Government that blissfully ignores it.
So to answer my question, Ethiopia’s federalism isn’t working because it has actually regressed
Ethiopian political and societal life.
-Nazret
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